AMERINDIA
n°13, 1988
categorías de aspecto en el quechua del Perú central
Willem F.H.
ADELAAR
University of Leiden, Netherlands
Introduction[1]
In an
earlier publication on the Quechua dialects spoken in the province of Tarma (in Central Peru), we have analysed the verbal suffixes
-ya(:)- (<*-yka(:)-) and -ru-
(<*-rqu-) as aspect
markers (Adelaar 1977). The term "aspect" was chosen because the
functions of these two suffixes closely resemble those of categories referred
to as aspects in recent linguistic literature. A general definition of aspects
as "different ways of viewing the internal temporal constituency of a
situation" (Comrie 1976) provides a good basis for an interpretation of
the meaning and function of the two Quechua suffixes[2].
The
suffixes -ya(:)- and -ru- share a number of properties that
set them apart from other verbal suffixes in Tarma Quechua and justify their conjoint treatment. The most
unusual of these is their absence from main verbs in negative sentences, a
limitation for which no convincing explanation could be found so far. The two
suffixes are never combined in a verb form - not even by mistake, in so far as
our material goes -, and they occupy the same order position in sequences - of
verbal suffixes -.
Both -ya(:)-
and -ru- are highly productive suffixes -they may occur more frequently
than any other verbal suffixes in Tarma Quechua-, and
they combine freely with any verbal root[3] and with most other verbal suffixes
including those referring to tense аnd mood. For these last eases,
however, some interaction on the semantic level with the aspects must be taken
into consideration.
There is an
interesting contradiction between the frequency of the aspect markers and the
fact that they are often dispensable. Since their semantic contribution is
rarely essential, they can be omitted from a verb form without much detriment
to the intelligibility of the sentence.
A
comparison of two collections of narrative texts recorded from Quechua speakers of San Pedro de Cajas and
Vicora Congas (district of Tarma)[4] shows remarkable discrepancies in
the use of aspect markers and in their frequency of occurrence. In the Cajas texts aspect markers appear in almost every linguistic
context allowed; in the Vicora texts aspect markers are used more sparingly,
and the additional explanations are needed to account for their presence.
Considering that the verbal morphology of the two dialects exemplified by these
texts is otherwise nearly identical, we are inclined to believe that the discrepancies
recorded are idiolectal, or even stylistic, rather than dialectal. Other texts
recorded in the area[5] conform to either one of the two
extremes or are intermediate (but no systematic study of these texts
was made).
It is
important to note that the above only hold for the use of aspect markers in
main verbs. In subordinate clauses aspect marking is less free than in main
clauses. For this and for other reasons -aspect and negation can be combined in
subordinate clauses- the use of aspect markers in subordinate verbs requires a
separate treatment.
Our
discussion of the aspects in Tarma Quechua will be structured as follows.
First, we shall discuss the functions performed by the aspect markers when
these are used at their highest frequency. (This state of affairs obtains in
the Cajas texts, which will provide the necessary examples). Secondly, an
outline will be given of the semantic and pragmatic factors that stimulate the
use of the aspect markers in discourse otherwise characterized by a low
incidence of aspect marking. (For this purpose the Vicora texts will provide
examples). Subsequent sections will deal with the aspects in their relation to
negation and to imperatives and with the use of aspect markers in subordinate
clauses. A separate section is dedicated to suffixes that play a marginal role within
the aspect system. Finally, possible aspect systems in other Central Peruvian
Quechua dialects are discussed.
1. General semantic
characterization of the aspects.
If a
maximum use is made of the possibilities of aspect marking, three options must
be considered. A verb may contain the marker -ya(:)-, it may contain the
marker -ru-, or it may be unmarked. Besides, there are a number of
contexts where aspect marking in the proper sense is not allowed either because
aspectual oppositions are neutralized, or because other suffixes take over
aspectual functions. (Such cases are discussed in 6.).
At first
sight, the aspect function of -ya(:)- can easily be identified, because
it roughly resembles that of a "progressive form" in European
languages. In Spanish it is usually rendered by means of the construction: estar
+ GERUNDIO. On the other hand, the function of -ru- is elusive, because
it does not correspond to any overt category in Spanish.
In Comrie's
study on aspect (1976) an overall distinction is made between
"perfective" and "imperfective" meaning. If a verb has
perfective meaning, it "presents the totality of a situation referred to
without reference to its internal temporal constituency: the whole of the
situation is presented as a single unanalysable whole, with beginning, middle,
and end rolled into
one" (p. 3). Imperfective meaning is then characterized as "explicit
reference to the internal temporal structure of a situation, viewing a
situation from within", but allows for a further subdivision into habitual
and continuous (including progressive) meaning.
Comrie's
definition of perfective meaning is also applicable to the meaning of the
aspect marker -ru-, such as it is used in the Cajas texts. Imperfective
meaning, however, covers a wider range of possibilities than that of the marker
-ya(:)- in Quechua. The latter does not refer to habitual events
(including those in statements of general facts), for which the unmarked form
is normally used. As a result, the use of -ya(:)- is limited to
verb-forms with non-habitual imperfective meaning, here referred to as
"durative" meaning ("continuous" in Comrie's terminology).
Admittedly,
the meaning of the aspect markers is defined here in a very general way. The
following excerpt from a narrative from San Pedro de Cajas will help and
illustrate their function in a discourse[6].
(1) . kaynuyši huk kuti huk warmi i ulqu munanakura aliska
//like-this-they-say/one/time/one/woman/and/man/they-loved-each-other/a-lot//
. čaypitaš
suwanakara:rin[7]
//therefore-they-say/they-elope (PERF)[8]//
. čawraqa aywarkayan marks altu:rankunapa munanakur
//then/they-go (DUR)/village/through-its-heights loving-each-other//
. čayši qa:yaq papata mikara:rin
//so-they-say/cold/potatoes (OBJ)/they-eat (PERF)//
. čay mikunqalanši paĉa nanaywan wanurura čay
waynanqa
//that/his-eating-it-they-say/stomach/with-pain/he-died (PERF)/that/her-lover//
. čay waynan wanuruptinši qipiyan warmiqa
čay ulqutaq'
//that/her-lover/after-he-has-died-they-say/she
-carries (DUR)/woman/that/man (OBJ)//
. čayši čakarpurun ba:hayaqtaq'...
//so-they-say/night-overtakes-her (PERF)/she-going-down (OBJ)//
"They say that once a woman and a man loved each other a lot. Therefore they ran away together. So then they were going through the highlands-near the village, loving each other. They ate cold potatoes, and because of eating them the woman's lover died with a stomach ache. After he had died, the woman was carrying the man. Then night overtook her as she was going down..."
A
remarkable feature of this story (and of four other narratives recorded in San
Pedro de Cajas) is that it is almost entirely told in the present tense, the
past tense being reserved for one or two introductory sentences (the "setting")
and for a few crucial events such as the death of the young man in the above
example. (But other tenses such as future and sudden discovery do occur).
The
semantic opposition past vs. present is neutralized, all events being of course
situated in the past. Only the aspect markers remain and mark the succession in
time of the events described. Perfective aspect indicates a momentum in the
succession of events, while durative aspect is used for the more descriptive
passages.
The Cajas
texts contain practically no cases where the absence of an aspect marker cannot
be easily accounted for. Thanks to this, the restrictions to which aspect
marking is subject become visible. Aspect markers are (or may be) left out in
the following cases (main verbs only):
(a) The setting (the introductory
sentence(s) of the narrative giving a background to the story). For an example
see the first sentence in (1).
(b) Habitual events:
(2) imanirmi kada tardi upin ninaqa
//why?/every/afternoon/it-goes-out/fire//
"Why does the fire go out every afternoon? "
(c) Insecurity on the side of the
speaker:
(3) wanunsi imansi
//it-dies-too/it-does-what-too//
"So it died, or what, I don't remember."
(d) Negative sentences
(see Section 3.):
(4) čawraq' warayta manaš punučinču warmitaq'
//then/all-night-long/not-they-say/he-does-not-let-sleep/woman (OBJ)//
"Then, they say, he would not let the woman sleep all night long."
(e) Future tense forms (only found in
dialogues):
(5) nuqa qušay'čay qulqita
//I/I-shall-give-you/that/money//
"I shall give you that money."
(f) Imperatives (only in dialogues):
(6) ...palabraytaqa kutičinakurkay
//your-word/give-back-to-each-other//
"Relieve each other of the promise you made!"
(g) With the verb roots ni-
"to say" and ka- "to be". (This restriction is
optional and concerns mainly the perfective aspect suffix -ru-; *niru-
does not normally occur, karu- does occur, but rarely).
(7) kombintu ruritaš[9] yayguptinši pa:driq' ninaq...
//convent/into-inside/when-she-entered-they-say/priest/said//
"When she entered the convent", they say, "the priest said: ..."
(8) nuqam čay kara:
//I/that/I-was//
"That was me!"
(h) In forms containing the suffix -ku-.
(This restriction is optional when -ku- is "reflexive"; see
section 6.).
(9) čayši kikin ulquqa wanučikun
//so-they-say/himself/man/he-killed-himself//
"They say the man killed himself."
(10) čay lapan nuna rikapuq qišpikurkan mančakaypita
//that/all/people/that-see-him/they-flee-away/out-of-fear//
"Everybody who saw him would flee out of fear."
In the
cases (a) to (d) and (g) to (h) there are
restrictions on the use of aspect markers. Future tense forms and imperatives,
however, can be marked for aspect.
Consider
the following examples:
(11) tamyarunqaĉ imanqaĉ
//it-will-rain-maybe (PREF)/it-will-what-maybe//
"It may start raining or so. (The sky looks so dark!)."
(12) upyaruy
//drink-it! (PERF)//
"Drink it at once!"
For the use
of aspects with events situated
in the future see section 2.(a) and (g); with imperatives see
section 4.
2. Limited use of aspect
markers.
In the
texts supplied by Mr. Zárate, a Quechua speaker from Vicora Congas (district of
Tarma), the possibility of using aspect markers has not been fully exploited.
We anticipated that this low incidence of aspect marking is probably due to
individual or stylistic factors. The texts were recorded in a slightly
declamatory style, the contents being presented as general truths, rather than
as personal experiences.
As a rule,
the general characterizations of aspectual meaning given in the preceding
section also hold for the Vicora texts, but additional factors must be found to
account for the presence of aspect markers. That a verb form conveys perfective
or durative meaning does not necessarily imply that it should be marked for
aspect.
The motives
that determine the use of aspect markers in the Vicora texts may either be
contextual or purely semantic. Contextual factors equally influence the use of
both aspect makers, whereas the semantic factors apply to either one of the
aspect markers. There is, however, a considerable amount of overlapping between contextual and semantic
factors. They are not always easy to separate.
We will
first discuss the semantic factors that stimulate the use of perfective aspect
((a)-(f)) and, secondly, those that stimulate the use of durative aspect
((g)-(i)). The contextual factors are discussed last ((j)-(m)).
(a) Resultative meaning:
Verbs
referring to events that are seen as the result of a prior development may be
marked for perfective aspect. Such a prior development can either be external
to the event referred to or consist in an effort of the actor. English
translations such as "at last", "eventually", or "he
managed to...", "he ended up ...ing" are usually adequate,
although probably too strong in some cases.
Resultative
meaning is one of the strongest motives for the presence of a perfective aspect
marker and accounts for a large number of cases. It is interesting to note that
it can also serve as a
motive for the use of the aspect marker -ru- when describing a habit or
general truth consisting of several components. See (38), (39) below.
Resultative
meaning can be found with any tense or mood with the possible exception of the
imperative. With the future tense and the potential mood (-man) it may
be the only valid motive for the presence of a perfective marker, and it often
acquires the character of a threat. See (14), (17) below.
(13) čawraxa na: xišyaxman muyurun ulxubis warmibis
//then/already/to-sick-people/they-turn (PERF)/men-too/women-too//
"Both men and women eventually become sick people."
(14) wamra: wanurunxa waxaywan
//my-child/it-will-die (PERF)/with-crying//
"My child will cry itself to death."
(15) kananmi čay čusbita wanuračišax
//now/that/fly (OBJ)/I-will-kill (PERF)//
"Now I will kill that fly! (I have taken all necessary precautions in order not to miss it)."
(16) čaymi kigilanguna ispańolgunata xarxurura
//so/they-themselves/Spaniards (OBJ)/they-chased-away (PERF)//
"They finally managed to chase away the Spaniards themselves."
(17) mana inti gatbinxa wanuručwanmi alalaywan
//not/sun/if-it-was-there/we-should-die (PERF)/of cold//
"If there were no sun, we would die of cold."
(b) Reference to an unexpected event:
Verbs
referring to unexpected events can be marked for perfective aspect (compare
also the contextual factor discussed in (m) below). This use is
apparently contradictory to that discussed in (a) because no prior
development is implied.
(18) čayĉu rikakarura xuk krus
//there/it-appeared (PERF)/a/cross//
Suddenly a cross appeared on that spot ".
(c) Completive meaning:
Verbs
referring to a complement-event cap be marked for perfective aspect. This
includes complex events which are "summed up" (19) and events which
are irreversible (21).
(19) na:mi ami:ta kunčura:rin rigaba:kunampax
//already/pull-loose (OBJ)/they-suffer (PERF)/in-order-to-look-at-it//
"They have
already taken much trouble to pull it loose in order to look inside."
(20) unaylam xitararun pampaĉu[10]
//for-long-time/he-lies (PERF)/on-floor//
"He has lair on the floor for a long while."
(21) xunxarunčik
//we-forget-it (PERF)//
"We have forgotten it."
(d) Inceptive meaning:
Perfective
aspect can mark -the beginning of a state or condition.
(22) čay tu:nil ta:pakarutbin ke:dara:rira čay ruriĉu
//that/tunnel/after-it-had-collapsed/they-remained (PERF)/that/inside//
"When that tunnel had collapsed, they remained inside."
(23) byu:du garura
//widower/he-was (PERF)//
"He became widower."
(e) Punctuality:
Perfective
aspect may mark events that occur only once.
(24) čay ača išgimuxmi išgiramura čay takša xuĉa ĉawbiman
//that/star/that-falls/it-fell (PERF)/that/little/lake/into-middle//
"That falling star fell in the middle of that little lake."
(f) Priority in time:
Perfective
aspect may indicate that an event is prior to the situation described. Such use
is more characteristic of perfective aspect in subordinate clauses. In a few
cases, however, it was also recorded with main verbs (25).
The meaning
"recent past" with perfective present tense forms may also be
included here, but it is doubtful whether "recent past" should be
considered as a basic distinction (see (26)).
(25) ali mo:dakuš'gama ĉara:rin čay kasamintuman
//well/dressed-up/they-arrive (PERF)/that/to-wedding//
"They arrived at that wedding, beautifully dressed."
(26) ĉixninakunxaymi kayta rurarušunki
//the-one-who-hates-you/this (OBJ)/he-does-it-to-you (PERF)//
"Your enemy has done this to you."
(g) Event in progress:
The most
common function of durative aspect is to mark verbs referring to events in
progress (27). In many cases, then, the aspect marker indicates that the event
is continuing when another event (or the observation itself) takes place (28),
(29), or it may indicate that the event has begun when another event (or the
observation itself) takes place (30), or it may refer to an event in the future
that will be prolonged for some time (31).
(27) kananmi nuxa kasaraya:čix taytančiba xutinĉu
//now/I/I-marry-you (DUR)/of-our-Father/in-his-name//
"Now I am marrying you in the name of our Lord."
(28) tre:pan xanĉakušas' pelyayanran
//his-guts/even-dragged/he-still-fights (DUR)//
"Even if he has to drag about his own guts, he still goes on fighting."
(29) kigimpas' gaya:butbin aširgayan masta
//of-their own-even/when-there-is-to-them/they-look-for-it (DUR)/more (OBJ)//
"Even when they have (land) of their own, they go on looking for more."
(30) xuk la:dubam paĉiĉi:la yabay paĉyaya:mun
//other/on-side/with-a-blow/again/it-bursts (DUR)//
(When the illness seems to be almost cured), it comes up again, bursting with a blow, on some other part of the body."
(31) čaybita mičax'maldisyaya:mankiman
//for-that/rightly/you-may-curse-me (in the future)".
Note that
the duration of these events has a relative character. It is mainly an
impression based on a comparison with some other event that is less long.
(h) Temporary state:
Verbs referring to states which are not
permanent but last for a certain amount of time may be marked for durative
aspect.
(32) kiru: gayanmi
//my-teeth/it-is-there (DUR)//
"I (still) have my own teeth."
(33) šunxu nanaywan pasay gayančik kurkukaša
//lungs/with-pain/totally/we-are (DUR)/bent//
"We are totally bent with pain in the lungs."
(i) Limitation in space:
Verbs
referring to states which only hold for specific locations or objects may be
marked for durative aspect.
(34) wašanmi gayan-altuman
//its-back/it-is (DUR)/upwards//
"Its backside is pointing upwards."
(35) xarwagatax waxtaba inkaba kaminun aywayan
//Carhuacatac/by-slope/Inca's/its-highway/it-goes (DUR)//
"The Inca highway run along the slopes of Carhuacatac."
(j) Switching to the present.
In historic
accounts or descriptions of customs aspect markers are. of ten used whey the
speaker temporarily switches to the present situation (in order to make a
comparison, for instance). This factor favours in particular the use of
durative aspect. Most examples are introduced by kanan "now".
(36).čaymi čay išgaynin marga wawxigaš gaba:kux tarmatambu margawan wanri marga
//so/that/both/towns/brothers/they-used-to-be/Tarmatambo/town-and/Huanri/town//
.čaymi kanan wilganguna mana gaba:kunču wanriĉu:xa sino: tarmatambuĉu:mi gargayan...
//so/now/their-descendants/not/they-are-not/in Huari/but/in Tarmatambo/they-are (DUR)//
"So both towns, Tarmatambo and Huari, used to be brothers. And nowadays their descendants do not live in Huanri, but they do live in Tarmatambo."
(37) čaynuybam čay fyesta kanan o:ra xalaygurun
//in-the-same-way/that/feast/now/time/it-has-started (PERF)//
"In the same
way (as we have been describing) that feast has just started now."
(k) Direct speech:
Aspect
markers are frequent in pieces of direct speech inserted into account. In (38)
an imaginary patient describes the symptoms of his illness. (Note the absence
of aspect markers in the negative sentences and in connection with -ku-).
(38).nawi:mi mana riganču
//my-eyes/not/it-does-not-see//
.uma:mi muyuyan čukčukyaya:mi masya:dum ušaka:ku:
//my-head/it-turns (DUR)/I-tremble (DUR)/very much/I-always-get-tired//
.manam iĉi:ta atiba:ču
//not/walk (OBJ)/I-cannot//
.ĉagi:mi xakaramun
//my-feet/it-swells (PERF)//
.rikra:mi xakaramun
//my-arms/it-swells (PERF)//
"My eyes do not see. My head is turning. I am trembling. I always get tired. I cannot walk. My feet swell and my arms swell."
(l) Successive events:
Aspect
markers are particularly frequent in accounts of situations characterized in
terms of several component events (38) or consisting of several successive
phases (39). In such cases aspect markers are instrumental in specifying the
temporal interrelations of the events. This function is important enough to
permit the occurrence of aspect markers in descriptions of customs. The
habitual character of these customs then does no longer prevent the presence of
aspect markers.
(39) . čaybin tyempuxa me:dikuguna xampiba:kux xaĉalawanmi
//in-that-time/time/physicians/they-used-to-cure/with-herbs-only//
. asta umangunata paginakara:rirsi tintušwanmi čuxiš xaĉawanmi xiranakara:rix
//even/their-heads (OBJ)/even-after-having-broken-each-other's/with-straps/choquesh/with-herbs/they-used-to-sew-each-other's (PERF)//
. mana aličakayta munatbinxa čay ruri čančamayu putuwanmi kaskutayubay ĉuranakara:rix
//not/heal (OBJ)/if-it-wanted/that/interior/Chanchamayo/with-calabash/like-helmet (OBJ)/they-used-to-place-each-other's (PERF)//
. činargurmi purirgayax
//after-doing-so/they-used-to-walk (DUR)//
"In those times the physicians used to cure people with medicinal herbs only. Even when people had broken each other's heads, they would sew them with straps, with choquesh herbs. And then, if they would not heal, they would fit in something like a helmet (manufactured) with a calabash from inner Chanchamayo. And in such a condition they would be walking about."
(m) Momentum:
Aspect
markers may be used to mark moments of excitement or personal involvement in
the account.
(40) . čay kuĉu xaxaman yaygunxanĉu ilarirura
//that/corner/into-rock/in-his-entering/he-disappeared (PERF)//
"There, in that corner rock, at the same place where he had appeared, he disappeared."
(41) . čay rigax aywaba:kunampaxxa rasumpa čagataš' gaya:nax
//that/to-see/as-they-went/really/crucified-one/he-turned-out-to-be-there (DUR)//
"As they went
and looked, it turned out that there really was a crucified one."
3. Aspect and negation
In the
Quechua dialects of Tarma province aspect markers are never found in the main
verbs of negative sentences[11]. A possible explanation is that
aspects convey a subjective view of objective events, which would become
meaningless if those events did not exist.
This
argument, however, which is not very strong in itself -all utterances are in
some degree subjective- is further weakened by the fact that in other Quechua
dialects with similar aspect systems aspect markers do occur in negative
sentences[12].
For example
see (36), (38) and the following:
(42). imapa:taq nuqata qayaya:manki
//for-what/me/you-call-me (DUR)//
. manta, tayta, nuqa qayaraqču qamtaq' (Cajas)
//not-but/Sir/I/I-called-you/you (OBJ)//
"Why are you calling me?" "But I did not call you, Sir!"
(43) čay ti:rarutbinxa manam čusbixa wanuraču sino: warminmi wanurura (Vicora)
//that/when-once-he-fired/not/fly/it-did-not-die/but/his-wife/she-died (PERF)//
"When once he fired, the fly did not die, but his wife died".
4. Aspect and imperative.
A durative
aspect marker in an imperative sentence procures an incitement to start an
activity in expectation of some other event, or to continue an activity already
started.
(44) čay xalayuš'gaxta aywayay asta ušanxaygama (Vicora)
//that/begun/what-is (OBJ)/continue (DUR)/until/until-you-finish//
"Continue the job that was started until you finish it."
A
perfective aspect marker in an imperative sentence indicates that the addressee
is urgently incited to action. See (12) and
(45) pwe:dirxa mastas'ankese: winakuruy uĉbalataxa (Vicora)
//if-(you)-can/more (OBJ)/let-it-be/fill-it-for-yourself (PERF)/just-ash (OBJ)//
"Just put more ash in your bag, if you can."
5. Aspect in subordinate
clauses.
Verbs in
subordinate clauses can be marked for aspect. The main function of aspect
markers in subordinate clauses is to provide information about the temporal
characteristics of the subordinate clause in relation to those of the main
clause. Consequently, their use in subordinate is more restricted and more
predictable than it is in main clauses. The restriction that aspect markers do
not occur in a negative context does not hold for subordinate clauses. See (48)
below.
The verb in
a subordinate clause can either be a nominalized verb, containing one of the
nominalizing suffixed -q/-x, -ša, -na, -nqa-/-nxa-,
or it may contain a special subordinating suffix -pti-/-tbi-, -r[13]. Here we will discuss in the first
place the use of aspect markers in subordinate verbs with -pti-/-tbi-
and -r. The use of -pti-/-tbi- and -r indicates a
loose relationship between the events referred to by the subordinate and main
clauses. This relationship can be causal, temporal, hypothetic, or concessive,
there being a temporal limitation in the sense that the event referred to by
the subordinate verb cannot be posterior to that of the main verb.
If aspect
markers are added to the subordinate verb, the temporal relation between the
two verbs becomes further specified. Durative aspect indicates that the events
referred to are simultaneous, that of the subordinate clause serving as a
background to that of the main clause.
(46) kima ĉunka xunax aywargayarxa ĉara:rira xuk monta:ńaman
//three/ten/days/when-(they)-go (DUR)/they-finally/a/at-mountain//
"Travelling for thirty days, they finally arrived at a mountain."
(47) tristi karkayaptinšár čay maripo:sa yapay čarun (Cajas)
//sad/as-they-were (DUR)-they-say/that/butterfly/again/it-arrived//
"They say that as they were sad together, that butterfly arrived again".
(48) imanirmi čay ĉakra nunagunaxa xwan belaskuba fabornin gaba:kun mana imantasi musyayar (Vicora)
//why?/that/country/people/Juan/Velasco's/his -favour/they-are/not/even-what-of-his (OBJ)/as-they-know (DUR)//
"Why do those country people support Juan Velasco, while they know nothing about him?"
Perfective
aspect explicitly indicates that the event referred to by the subordinate verb
is prior in time to that of the main verb.
(49) kaba:l u xananman yargurutbinxa punčunwan ta:parura (Vicora)
//horse/onto-its-top/as-he-climbed (PERF)/with-his-poncho/he-covered-him//
"After he1 had mounted the horse, he2 covered him with his2 poncho".
(50) biya:hita aywaruptinši warmiq' ke:dara:rin wawalankunawan (Cajas)
//trip (OBJ)/as-he-went (PERF)-they-say/woman/they-stayed/with-her-children//
"They say that after he had gone on a trip, the woman stayed at home with her children."
If the
subordinating suffix is -r there are two options, because instead of -ru
a suffix -rku-/-rgu-[14] can also be used.
By using -ru-
the speaker emphasizes that the event referred to by the subordinate verb is
somehow essential to the realization of that of the main verb (English
"once that" - "as soon as").
-rku-/-rgu-
indicates a purely chronological succession of events without any casual or
conditional overtone.
(51) nunaqa rikapururqa mančakarunšar (Cajas)
//people/when-they-saw-him (PERF)/they-became-afraid-they-say//
"They say that, as soon as people saw him, they would become afraid."
(52) čaybita na: mana uryayta pwe:ditbinxa awgisyarur na: xarxara:rimux mana pa:gar ni imar (Vicora)
//thereafter/already/not/work (OBJ)/as-they-could/when-(they)-became-old (PERF)/already/they-would-chase-them-away/not/paying/nor/doing-what//
"Afterwards, when once grown old they1 were no longer able to work, they2 would chase them1 away without pay or anything".
(53) čay nirgurxa ku:raguna rimanakarga:rir[15] aywaba:kura rigax (Vicora)
//that/after-saying-it/priests/after-talking-it-over/they-went/to-see//
"After saying that and after talking over the matter, the priests went and looked".
(54) kay nunaq' pinsyayan warminta wanukarkačirqa15 (Cajas)
//this/man/he-is-thinking/his-wife (OBJ)/after-killing-her//
"This man was thinking after having killed his wife".
The
function of aspect markers with nominalized verbs (that is, in relative
clauses, object clauses and some adverbial clauses) does not differ essentially
from that in the subordinate clauses discussed so far, but some of the uses
that are characteristic for main vergs (e.g. temporary state) are found as
well.
We will
limit ourselves to the following examples that represent some of the most
common combinations.
(55) čayši čakarpurun ba:hayaqtaq' (Cajas)
//so-they-say/night-overtook-her/she-going-down (DUR) (OBJ)//
"They say the night overtook her on her way down" (relative clause)
(56) todalabi:da nuxa kawaya:na:taĉ pinsan (Vicora)
//for-ever/I/that-I-shall-be-living (OBJ)-maybe/he-thinks//
"He probably thinks that I shall be living for ever" (object clause)
(57) munanxa:ta ruraru: asta ńawsaša gayanxangama (Vicora)
//what-I-wanted (OBJ)/I-did-to-him/until/blinded/as-long-as-he-was (DUR)//
"I did to him what I wanted, as long as he remained blinded" (adverbial clause)
(58) čawraq' nunaq' yaygurun mančakarayanqampita (Cajas)
//then/man/he-entered/from-his-state-of-being-frightened//
"Then the man entered (coming) from a state of fright". (adverbial clause)
(59) čay alma qipirayanqanqa "ča: puručuku markam iha" niptinši warmiq' pasay mančakarun (Cajas)
//that/dead-one/that-she-carries (DUR)/that/Puruchuco/village/daughter/as-he-said-they-say/woman/a-lot/she-became-frightened//
"They say that woman became very frightened, when the dead body she was carrying said: "That is the village of Puruchuco, girl!" (relative clause)
(60) kampanata pagirura tukayanxanĉu (Vicora)
//bell (OBJ)/he-broke-it/as-he-rang-it (DUR)//
"He broke the bell when he was ringing it" (adverbial clause)
(61) xarwašyaruša paĉančik nanan šunxunčik nanan (Vicora)
//turned-yellow (PERF)/our-belly/it-hurts/our-lungs/it-hurts//
"Once we have turned yellow, our belly hurts and our lungs hurt" (participial clause; see Adelaar 1977)
6. Aspect marker and other
suffixes.
There is a
remarkable reluctance to the use of aspect markers in combination with verbal
suffixes having the shape -ku- (or -CVku-). Its explanation lies
in that some of these suffixes themselves have an aspectual character. Since,
this situation is characteristic of Tarma Quechua, we shall discuss in a few
words the use of these suffixes (see also Adelaar 1977).
Four suffixes -ku- must be distinguished[16]:
-ku1- reflexive
"(for) himself"
-ku2- perfective
"definitely, for good"
-ku3- characteristic
action "always, continually"
-ku4- characteristic
quality "excessively, very much"
On the
formal level these suffixes are distinguished from each by the effect produced
upon a preceding vowel. -ku1- shortens a preceding vowel; -ku4- lengthens a preceding vowel; and -ku3- is neutral in this respect; no
pertinent cases obtain for -ku2-.
-ku3- and -ku4- are complementary in the sense
that -ku4- is limited to a small subclass of verbs referring to tastes and other
physical sensations, whereas -ku3- can be found with any other verb.
-ku1- and
-ku2- do
not occur with this subclass probably for semantic reasons.
-ku2- is limited to verbs of motion (aywa-
"go", qišpi-/xišbi- "escape", etc.) and verbs
containing a directional suffix of the set -rku-/
-rgu-, -rpu-/-rbu-, -y(k)u-/ygu-, and -rqu-/-rxu-,
irrespective of whether these suffixes are used productively (e.g. kuti-rpu/kuti-rbu
"return downwards") or form part of lexicalized rootsuffix
combinations (e.g. qalayu-/xalay(g)u- "begin", yarqu-/yarxu"go
out").
-ku1- and -ku2- differ in their distribution, the
latter being inserted between a root and a directional suffix, if any, whereas
the former would follow such a suffix.
Combinations
of aspect suffixes with either -ku2-, -ku3- or -ku4- do not occur.
The
semantic contribution of -ku2- comes near to that of the
perfective aspect marker -ru-, the difference being that -ku2- introduces a more or less
permanent situation, whereas -ru- is neutral in this respect[17].
Compare
(10) and
(62) čawraq' limpuš qišpira:rin mayorsi huk kaqsi (Cajas)
//then/all-they-say/they-flee-away (PERF)/the-eldest-one-too/other/the-one-too//
"They say both the eldest daughter and the middle one fled away".
In (10) the
act of fleeing is definitive -they do not come back-, while in (62) the girls
temporarily retire to their rooms.
Compare
also (37) and
(63) čaywanmi atux maĉarur fyestata rurayta xalakuyun (Vicora)
//with-that/fox/once-(he)-got-drunk/feast (OBJ)/make (OBJ)/he-started//
"Once he got drunk on that (chicha), the fox started to make merry".
With the
verb qalayu-/xalay(g)u- "begin", we have not been able
to detect any semantic difference between forms with -ru- and -ku2-.
-ku3- refers to the habitual character
of an event, a characteristic behaviour; its association with the aspect system
as a third aspect marker could be defended. We prefer, however, not to do so,
because it is much less frequent and clearly more restricted in its use than -ya(:)-
and -ru-. If it belongs to the aspect system at all, it takes up a very
marginal position in that system. See (38) and
(64) asta tulunčigunas' nana:kun wipyaš' yubay (Vicora)
//even/our-bones-too/they-always-hurt/as-if-beaten//
"Even our bones always hurt, as if they had been beaten".
(65) čawraq' ča:qa kakuna alqu (Cajas)
//then/that/he-turned-out-to-be-all-along/dog//
"It turned out that he had been a dog all along".
We have no
reliable data concerning the behaviour of -ku2- and
-ku3- in
negative sentences.
There is no
reason why -ku1- (reflexive) should not occur with aspect markers, its semantic value
being far removed from anything aspectual. It seems, however, that the
impossibility of using aspect markers in combination with -ku2-, -ku3-, -ku4-, has its influence upon potential
combinations of aspect markers with -ku1- (including those with suffix
sequences or complex suffixes, such as -naku-, -čiku-, -ĉaku-,
-baku-/-paku-). In forms containing -ku1- aspect suffixes are allowed but
often omitted.
Compare
(Cajas) (9) and
(66) wakin nanankunaqa wanučikara:rin[18]
//remaining/her-sisters/they-killed-themselves (PERF)//
"Her other sisters killed themselves"
A few words
remain to be said about the suffixes -rku-/-rgu and
-yu-/-ygu-. Apart from their original function as directionals
("upwards" for -rku-/-rgu-; "inwards",
"towards an indicated place" for -yu-/-ygu-), they can
have other functions as well. -rku-/-rgu (not to be confounded
with -rku-/-rgu- treated in 5.) is normally rendered as
"with your permission", "with your approval"; -yu-/-ygu
refers to actions that are limited in extent, but are performed with special
care or attention.
When used
in this way these suffixes do not normally combine with aspect suffixes. In
Sayk (1974), they are treated conjointly with the perfective aspect marker -ru-,
because the three "have punctual meaning" and "consider the
action in its totality". This would imply that -rgu-/-rku-
and -yu-/-ygu- have perfective meaning as well, and that they can
replace -ru- under certain circumstances.
In (67)
this seems to be the case:
(67) ali kamakuyur xuknin nawinta ximčikuyur ti:rarura (Vicora)
//well/aiming-thoroughly/other/his-eye (OBJ)/shutting-tightly/he-fired//
"Aiming thoroughly and shutting his other eye tightly, he fired".
Our material contains one clear (elicited) example of a combination of -rku-/-rgu-
"with your approval" and -ru-:
(68) mikurgurutbi:xa manam na: mikana:manxaču (Vicora)
//when-I-eat (PERF)-with-your-permission/not/already/I-will-not-be-hungry//
"As soon as I have eaten, with your permission, I shall not be hungry anymore".
But
otherwise such combinations do not occur, or, if they do, there is no certainty
whether -rku-/-rgu- resp. -yu-/-ygu- should not be
rather interpreted as directionals.
A final
answer about the exact relationship of -rku-/-rgu- and -yu-/-ygu-,
on the one hand, and the aspect marker -ru-, on the other hand, cannot
be given at present. But, if -rku-/-rgu- and -yu-/-ygu-
function within the aspect system at all, their role can only be a marginal
one.
7. Aspect in other Quechua
dialects
An aspect
system, such as it exists in Tarma Quechua, is not an isolated phenomenon in Quechua. All dialects have a
suffix that comes near in meaning to the durative aspect marker. Besides, the
perfective aspect marker (>*-rqu-) is found with practically the same
function as in Tarma province in Wanka and the dialect of Pacaraos. It is
likely that more Central Peruvian dialects may be added to this list. In
Antonio Raimondi, Ancash, the suffix -skI- is mutually exclusive with
the durative suffix -ykā- and both are members of the same position
class (Snow 1972). This may indicate that -skI- and -ykā
function within a system similar to that described for Tarma.
A rapid
consultation of two texts from Chongos Bajo (Huancayo) leaves the impression
that the suffixes -ya(:)- and -:(lu)- (<*-rqu-) are
used in the same way as the aspect markers in Tarma, their frequency of
occurrence being somewhere in between that in the Cajas texts and that in the
Vicora texts.
Cerrón's
description of -:(lu)- (-qLu-) (Cerrón 1976) shows that its use
is very similar to that of -ru- in Tarma, except that -:(lu)- is
used differently in -ša nominalizations.
The use of
the suffixes -yka(:)- and -rqu- in Pacaraos (Huaral, Lima) is
also comparable with the use of the aspect markers in Tarma, but some
differences must be noted.
-yka(:)- and -rqu- do occur in
negative sentences:
(69) manam karqunsu ka:řu
//not/there-was-not (PERF)/car//
"There was no car".
(70) ama hurquykaysu
//not/don't-take-it-out (DUR)//
"Stop taking it out!" "Don't take it out!"
Present
tense forms containing the suffix -rqu- seem to be practically
interchangeable with past tense forms that are not marked for aspect. Past
tense forms containing the suffix -rqu are very rare and seem to
indicate surprise.
(71) saypiq ratáš ratašpaĉ šamurqayki aw
//from-there/falling/falling-probably/you-came (PAST)/yes?//
"From there (yesterday) you probably came here slipping and falling continuously, didn't you?"
(72) qayan hapur urampaĉ šarqamunki
//yesterday/hapur/along-its-lower-side-probably/you-came (PRESENT PERF)//
"Yesterday you came along the place under (the place where) the hapur (is growing)"
(73) ńa saynawpaš wamra rimarqurqa
//already/like-that-they-say/child/it-suddenly-spoke (PAST PERF)//
"They say in that way the child suddenly spoke"
Future
tense forms rarely contain -rqu-. There is no suffix -rku-
indicating priority in time in subordinate clauses, -rqu being used
instead.
(74) saynaw suwanakurqušpama:[19] qipaman qarqunakun
//like-that/after-running-away-together (PERF)/to-behind/they-chase-each-other-away//
"After running away together like that, they abandon each other".
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ADELAAR,
W.F.H. 1977. Tarma Quechua, grammar, texts, dictionary, Lisse.
ADELAAR,
W.F.H. (in press). Morfología del quechua de Pacaraos.
CERRON
PALOMINO, R. 1976. Gramática Quechua: Junín-Huanca, Lima.
COMRIE,
B. 1976. Aspect, Cambridge.
CUSIHUAMAN,
A. 1976. Gramática Quechua: Cuzco-Collao, Lima.
SAYK
CRUZ, E. 1974. "Derivación verbal en el Quechua del norte del departamento
de Junín", Documento de trabajo 28, Centro de Investigación de
Linguística Aplicada, Lima.
SNOW, CH,
T. 1972. "The modal suffix -skI in Ancash Quechua", Papers
in Andean Linguistics I:1, 17-28, Madison.
SOLA,
D.F. 1967. Gramática del Quechua de Huánuco, Lima.
VIENRICH,
A. 1961. Fábulas Quechua, Lima.